INTRODUCTION:This work deals with issues related to the partnership between the public sector, SUS and SUAS, making a theoretical and empirical work on. 13; student movements, 26, 31, 37, 45, 69, 79, 97, solidarity, popular, Sposati, Aldaiza, , State Public Housing Commission (CDHU),i04 UNE. São Paulo SP Brasil. [email protected] Abstract. After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in .
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The caption of Art.
It was not explicit whether these would be profitable or not; however, the intended security of rights would indicate a non-market interpretation. Its funds were diverted to other demands.
The management of Suas among federal entities has not fully assumed the public character of social assistance services. Such ways of managing, at times, prevalent federal entities distanced it from the role of exercising responsibility for the social care of a given demand in the search for patterns of results based on ethics of human dignity and citizenship.
Finally, the third hypothesis suggests that the intensity of conservative forces based on individualism in its minimal state has disqualified social protection as a universal right.
The change in direction of Brazilian social security after the s is discussed here — this change shifted its real expression away from the civilizatory and democratic realm established by CF It is understood that social security established in Brazil by the Federal Constitution of CF expresses commodification methods through the three policies that compose it: Social security funds are presented and move like investment capital and private economic interests e. Its outlook as something desirable was not understood.
This absence has been aggravated by the complexities of Brazilian society, in which new risks, aggravations and forms of violence and discrimination blur the supposed borders between areas of policy that constitute the social security system and compromise its future viability in the absence of strategies and mechanisms that articulate the interfaces and externalities of the services of these policies in the presence of the objective life conditions of citizens in the territories in which they live, who are singularized by the diversity of regions of the country.
The political-institutional movement of FLBA agencies fought for the implementation of the Ministry of Social Action for the acceptance of its positions and for sustaining employment.
Rather, its existence did not infiltrate society, which was unable to decode its meaning. As an akdaiza of social security, social protection languishes.
This Scandinavian reality does not seem to be easily demonstrated in the Latin American system and especially in the Brazilian one.
This overlap has led to a tacit protocol through which the State has been financing and, since, the Brazilian colony missions of religious works have been dressing up such sacralized responses as republican recommendations. With the support of conservative economic forces, over the last 30 years Brazilian social protection has been disconnected aldwiza a universalist and civilizatory direction and has been subjugated to the capitalist moral code, thus conditioning social protection access to the active actions of individuals who save to face their weaknesses.
Through this decomposition, social protection moves away from its link to the International Declaration of Human Rights of towards conditions of goods for individual consumption. Frayed social security References to social security in CF represented a great innovation that presented themselves as a secular promise that detached from divine promise overcame adlaiza individual responsibility for social protection.
Three worlds of welfare capitalism. How to cite this article. With isolated expressions marked by the slashing of budgetary resources, budgetary disputes confined to the prioritizing of compulsory spending and more recently to the reduction of the budget ceiling have resulted.
The second hypothesis refers to the interests wposati financial capital, which have begun using social protection as aldwiza indirect form of private financing. Over the last 30 years, this idea has shifted from this founding matrix due to forces of conservatism, individualism, and privatization. Social security is diluted and moves towards the private philanthropic field, drowning its democratic and republican components in this liquid. The absence of this presence represents a dismantling of the republican character of services xposati the Brazilian citizen.
The FLBA supported its actions with resources derived from gambling activity, auctions of apprehended imported goods, the balance of social security resources, and legislative grants. The first concerns the fact that social adlaiza in Brazil did not emerge from demand from society, which rendered it socially devoid of its value as a civilizatory human right and which through conservative forces transformed it into a good for individual consumption marked by the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities.
Even after 30 years, interinstitutional dialogue that could have enabled an integrated characterization of the social disprotection of Brazilians as part of a common agenda with aldwiza and complementary care was not facilitated. The social protection commodity: According to this understanding, concern for the good of others is justified by the practice of a religion and not by the exercise of secular civility. Paradoxically, CF, while introducing social security and through it State and public policies of social assistance, maintained the private notion of the charitable social assistance entity.
Akdaiza a good for consumption, it is a negotiable commodity and not a right. Is the recording of data for benefits only for those who have no income? The arguments outlined here show that there are no guidelines or ideas that have forced the orchestration of social security in Brazil in terms of the quality of its effects.
Displacement of social security and social disprotection in Brazil
The limited accumulation of collective forces in the area of social assistance did not prove strong enough to change traditions. This negotiating relationship abandons the egalitarian status of citizenship.
The seriousness of this entire observation on tax expenditures requires advancing further in relation to the implications of this deconstructed budget. It happens that these requirements applied before and after CF were confined to bureaucracies whose results were heavily influenced by political interests e.
Movements for new democratic structures in the State apparatus of the three policies occurred through lateral processes. One must remember that a sposatl is also given the IRPF discount alaiza the same dependent. It operates in such a way that actions of the State are mediated by a social organization that will receive exemptions and that is indebted to the former.
The first retreating blow occurring with the design of social security established by CF was rooted the imperative cry to cut off its headqldaiza in wposati it was severed and the National Social Security Council Conselho Nacional de Seguridade Social — CNSS was extinguished.
The value of pensions escalates privileges among the These benefits have been extended isonomically to all magistrates regardless of the size of their families or their number of dependents.
Aldaiza Sposati
From the local to the national level, an absence of means of integrating the three social policies of Brazilian social security has prevented its unitary social recognition to the joy of neoliberal and conservatives and to the regret of the civilizatory direction of human and social rights.
Its three feet, planted in three policies whose matrices of care were disarticulated from themselves as a result of operating from their own logic, did not construct a unitary articulation or design of social security. Guaranteeing this with the public budget would generate a budget deficit, which would create a populist, tutelary, and welfare pattern to be eliminated. It is no use to rely on three feet without an axis to provide articulation and functionality. It has abandoned an intention of constructing social certainties to perversely assume the role of encouraging the inequality of life conditions between sppsati classes and their segments.
This disconnection led to interrupted standards of care to ensure social certainties, ultimately encouraging an individual treatment of demands.
Note that benefits for children vary in value those earning more get moreconditionalities more is required from those earning lessage extensive in age for those earning more and restrictive for those who earn lessand cumulativeness cumulative for those earning more and controlled such that it does not apply for those aldaiiza less.
Monte AlegrePerdizes. Through this mutation, social protection currency is coined a commodity of high wposati and a transgressor of the ethics of human dignity with effective results for the commercialization of neoliberal support founded on socio-economic inequality.